More than 30 years ago now, I was selected as my high
school’s intern for our local Congressman. I spent a week working from the
Capitol Hill office of Representative Bruce Morrison, a Democrat who
represented the third district of Connecticut.
Though he was running for Governor of Connecticut that year,
he still kept a very full schedule, and as Chairman of the House Immigration
Subcommittee he was working on a bill that has instrumental, for better or
worse, for bringing in tech workers from outside the U.S.
Bruce Morrison did not win his contest for governor, though
I turned 18 that year and I am proud to say that the very first vote I ever
cast that year was for him. The winner, Independent Lowell Weicker, instituted
a deeply unpopular state
income tax, was hanged in effigy in Hartford and did not run again; the
Republican candidate, John Rowland, later became governor and wound up serving
time in federal prison for bribery and campaign fraud, so Connecticut judged
extremely poorly that November. Rep. Morrison did not run for political office again
but left a lasting legacy. Among his many credits is that he was instrumental
in helping bring about the Irish
Peace accords by normalizing relations between the U.S. government and
Ireland’s Sinn Fein.
I was only working in Congress for one week, but it was
thrilling to be at the center of our country’s government, being part of what
was making the news and seeing the workings of government up close. I helped
write a letter to a woman in Mystic about the Women Infants and Children
program, sent faxes to other Congressional offices, and did tasks that were
menial office tasks but felt like they carried the gravitas of democracy
nonetheless.
I would spend hours after work in the visitors’ galleries of
the House and Senate, watching the debates. It was thrilling to see Senators
and Representatives argue their positions with eloquence and mutual respect.
The formality of how they addressed one another, as “Senator” on the Senate and
“Gentleman” or “Gentlewoman” in the House, lent grace and dignity to the
proceedings, even amid what counted as partisan rancor in 1990.
Among the tasks was going around to various offices
collecting signatures on a letter to the Secretary of State in the wake of army
killings of students in Zaire, which later resulted in Congress
cutting military aid to that country (their dictator would be overthrown
in a coup seven years later). I walked the halls of the House office
buildings, finding my way to the various offices and sometimes meeting the
different Representatives along the way—I usually only handed the letter to a
staff member who would go into the inner sanctum of the office and return with
the signature of the Congressperson, but chatted with a few in person. At one
point while gathering these signatures, I ran into my sophomore year English
teacher, Mr.
Degenhardt, and my high school’s former Principal, Gilbert Cass, and
showed them to our Congressman’s office.
At another point, a Congressman who pledged to sign the
letter was on the floor of the House. I was not allowed to go there. Only
Representatives, pages, and certain other staff were allowed. Luckily,
someone—I think it was another Congressman—ran the letter to the floor and back
for me.
The floor of the House of Representatives was a kind of
sacred ground; it was for people who got elected, who entered by the will of
the people. It is not another part of the office, or a fancy perk Congress gave
itself. People died to keep it free. In fact, the British burned the U.S.
Capitol and the White House during the War of 1812.
So last month when Trump supporters stormed the U.S.
Capitol, it took on the same kind of unfathomable horror that the September 11th
terror attacks did. Though it was of an entirely different scale and purpose,
there was an element of watching something we didn’t think could happen here.
Even in the most depraved days of Trump’s two presidential campaigns, I had a
higher level of faith in his rank-and-file supporters than to think they could
be led so far astray from reality.
The past several years have shown us that the fringe
elements of our politics have gained traction among the mainstream and have no
allegiance beyond their own ideas. The history and honor of our country mean
nothing to them, as they see themselves as elite warriors correcting injustices
rather than as citizens with obligations and responsibilities. Whatever
destruction they or their allies cause is considered justified by the morality
of their cause.
What the last four years have laid bare is that both
political parties are broken, with great swaths of voters and activists that
will be led to violence based on misinformation and propaganda.
Overwrought self-styled patriots, who thought Donald Trump
was the last bastion of defense of law and order and America itself, stood with
crowds that murdered a police officer in an attempt to thwart a democratic
election. Self-indulgent social justice advocates, who looked the other way as mobs
burned down police stations and created “autonomous zones” in major cities, posted
tributes to fallen Capitol police offers and talk of meting out punishment for
sedition.
The partisans stuck with extremists in their midst want to blame
someone else. Trump supporters claim these were really Antifa activists in the
Capitol on Jan. 6, and Black Lives Matter supporters would have us believe it
was secret Trump “Boogaloo” militia burning and looting U.S. cities last summer.
Two central tenets can guide us forward out of this
decades-long quagmire:
1.
There must be an absolute and unwavering respect
for and obedience to the truth.
2.
American institutions deserve our utmost care
and protection, not because they are perfect but because they are ours.
The truth knows no political allegiances and always
disappoints dogmatic partisan politicians. Our institutions were created in
different times by different people than comprise America today, but they were
made to last and have survived multiple wars and upheavals. If we respect them,
they can thrive again.